For those of you who are keen on wildlife, here is a video of a safari through the Sarangeti.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kJ7NljamTQk
Friday, 23 March 2012
Video about Zanzibar
This is a short video about Zanzibar, the island off the coast of mainland Tanzania.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gO0zO_MnafY&noredirect=1
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gO0zO_MnafY&noredirect=1
Malawi research report 2012 Canadian foreign aid, Gender and Food Security in Malawi
Food Security, Gender Mainstreaming and Canadian Foreign Aid to Malawi[1]
Paper presented to the International Studies Association
San Diego, April 2012
Rebecca Tiessen, Royal Military College of Canada
Rebecca.Tiessen@rmc.ca
Abstract
This paper examines the body of research on the gendered context of foreign aid and food security. The paper draws on qualitative data collected to examine the impact of the shift in Canadian foreign policy priorities on the socio-political and policy context of gender and food security on Malawian individuals, families and communities. The core question examined in this paper is whether the socio-political and policy context of gender and food security have been affected by the exclusion of Malawi from the list of the Canadian International Development Agency’s (CIDA’s) countries of focus. This paper provides the socio-political context of gender and food security in Malawi and analyses how gender inequality impacts on food security and the implications of this for development policy and practice. The paper also analyses gender mainstreaming strategies employed in CIDA food security projects in Malawi. An analysis of Canadian foreign aid to Malawi underscores the gendered impact assessment of political, social and economic instability brought about through shifts in development assistance allocations on the food security of Malawian individuals, households, and communities.
Introduction
The Federal Government of Canada through the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) has expressed a commitment to addressing the agricultural and food security needs of developing countries for several decades. In 2009, CIDA renewed its commitment to meeting the nutritional needs of hungry people in the developing world by adopting a food security strategy. The food security strategy is concerned with keeping food-insecure people around the world alive (CIDA, 2010). Within this strategy, Canada has committed to dropping conditions that require Canadian food aid to be purchased by Canadian suppliers; increasing investments in agricultural development; promoting Canada’s international reputation; and being the third largest contributor to the United Nations (UN) World Food Programme while also investing in rural smallholder farmers. The food security priority, like the other two current priorities of CIDA (securing the future for children and youth and stimulating sustainable economic growth), are to be implemented with attention to equality between women and men. As such, food security strategies must ensure that the equal participation of men and women in making decisions is promoted; support is offered for women and girls to fully exercise their rights; and the gap is reduced between women’s and men’s access to control of resources and the benefits of development. The notable shift from a discussion of gender equality to “equality between men and women” is of central concern to this analysis, highlighting a simplification of programs and a regression in Canada’s international development assistance. Gender equality, according to the Government of Canada, “is still out of reach for most women worldwide” (CIDA, 2011a) and therefore gender has been excluded from discussions within CIDA. For many years, Malawi has been among the recipients of Canadian foreign aid and has been considered a country of concentration for the Canadian government until 2009 when Canada reduced the number of developing countries to 20. The rationale for the reduction in the number of countries of concentration has been in an expressed commitment to increased effectiveness and accountability. Nonetheless, CIDA was never recognized as one of the most important international donors to Malawi. Canada was ranked as the sixth largest donor in Malawi until 2009 when it slipped to 15th place after taking Malawi off the countries of concentration list. The removal of Malawi from the countries of concentration occurred on the tails of the “stealth closure” (York, 2009) of the Canadian high commission office in 2008.
These events raise questions about Canada’s current contributions to Malawi, the sustainability of projects invested in Malawi prior to 2009, and the international image of CIDA and the Government of Canada as an international donor known for many years in relation to its commitment to addressing poverty and inequality in Africa. Several gaps in our knowledge emerge as a result; namely the sustainability and impact of Canada’s food security programs; the impact of the change in language from gender equality to equality between men and women in program outcomes; and perceptions of Canada’s foreign aid contributions from the perspective of Malawians.
In this paper I present findings from research carried out in Malawi in December 2011 when I visited the country and interviewed 15 NGO staff members and overview informants about Canada’s previous and ongoing contributions to development assistance in the country. Information was also collected through an examination of the CIDA Malawi Country Program Evaluation 1998-2008 and other online CIDA reports and materials, as well as research collected through document review in the library at the Centre for Social Research, University of Malawi. I present these findings in the context of Canadian foreign aid commitments surrounding food security and the promotion of equality between men and women (formerly known as gender equality). I begin the paper with a summary of the gap in our knowledge surrounding food security, gender and Canadian foreign aid to Malawi by offering a literature review of existing knowledge and identified gaps. This is followed by a brief situation analysis of Malawi and donor contributions to the country in the recent past. I then present the findings from data collected in Malawi and provide a discussion of the implications of these findings.
The Knowledge Gap Surrounding Food Security, Gender Equality and Canadian Foreign Aid to Malawi
While the evaluation of the Malawi Country Program focused largely on the impact of the exclusion of Malawi as a country of focus on CIDA management processes and bilateral relations between both states, no study has yet to measure the impact on project beneficiaries. Although existing research provides evidence of the immediate impacts of food aid on beneficiaries (Gilligan and Hoddinott, 2004; Quisumbing, 2003; Stifel and Alderman, 2003; and Yamano, Alderman and Christiaensen, 2005) and unanticipated beneficiaries (Clay, Molla and Habtewold, 1999; Sharp, 1997), little is known about the persistence and sustainability of major aid projects, and the impact at the individual, household, and community-level of shifts in foreign development assistance allocations (Barrett and Clay, 2003; Gilligan and Hoddinott, 2006). Gilligan and Hoddinott (2006) further suggest that “there is little rigorous evidence” on the long-term social-structural effects of food aid on beneficiaries, particularly after the closure of projects. There is consequently a dearth of scientific literature on the long-term impact of food aid after project closures (Egge and Strasser, 2006: p.307).
Reddy and Moletsane have also demonstrated that “there is a gap in our knowledge about the gendered dimensions of food security, necessitating further research into the empirical, theoretical and policy implications for food insecurity in its gendered context” (2009: p.5). The gap is such that “it is reasonable to conclude that the full impact of the gender dimension of food insecurity has not been fully interrogated, both in terms of the policy framework and in the scientific literature” (Reddy and Moletsane, 2009: p.27). Early research on entitlements and food security (Drèze, J. & Sen, 1989; Sen, 1981) disregarded the “unequal power dynamics involved in decision-making regarding how food is used, and for whose benefit, once it is accessed” (Reddy and Moletsane, 2009: p.24). Indeed, most studies on food security “have taken only the views of the household head into consideration in categorizing the food insecurity status of the household. By so doing, the possibilities of differential experiences of food insecurity by individual household members were ignored” (Gundersen, Kuku and Kelly, 2007: p.1). While the contemporary literature acknowledges the gendered dimensions of food security, it tends to an “overly generic... policy identification of women and children as a vulnerable group” (Reddy and Moletsane, 2009: p.27).[2] Yet gender and intra-household relations are decisive components of food security analysis as differences in food security can be experienced within the same household (Bezner Kerr, 2005: p.54; Vaughan, 1987). Household members may have different levels of access and control over resources that affect food insecurity, a difference that is often delineated by age (Gunder, Kuku and Kelly, 2007) and gender (Derose, Das and Millman, 2000; Quisumbing and Maluccio, 2000). Indeed, while Malawian women carry-out 75 percent of the country’s formal and informal agricultural labour, they experience gender asymmetries in land ownership, access to capital, control over the household’s assets, caretaking responsibilities, perceptions of workload, and the impact of HIV/AIDS (Gibbs, 2008; Bezner Kerr, 2005; Hindin, 2005; Loevinsohn and Gillespie, 2003; Laier et al., 1996; Messer, 1997; and Abbas, 1997). Gender and intra-household relations are therefore critical components of food security analysis (Bezner Kerr, 2005: p.54) and further work is necessary to explore the interaction between gender, foreign aid and food insecurity.
Malawi Situation Analysis and Research Context
Malawi is one of the poorest countries in the world. At the time of CIDA’s withdrawal from the country in 2009, Malawi ranked: 164/177 on the 2007/08 UNDP Human Development Report. Malawi’s economy is largely agro-based with agriculture accounting for more than 80% of export earnings and 38% of GDP, supporting 85% of the population. Agricultural output is heavily supported by smallholder farmers who contribute about three-quarters of total agricultural output (Singine, 2009). Major exports are tobacco, tea and sugar and they account for approximately 85% of Malawi’s domestic exports (GoM, 2011:129). Smallholder farmers in Malawi account for 78-80 % of total agriculture. With approximately 1.7 million families involved in small-scale farming, Malawi’s agricultural policies and programs target smallholder farmers (Panos, 2007). Some of the many challenges faced by smallholder farmers include inadequate land (approximately 55% of smallholder farmers cultivate less than 1 hectare of land), limited access to inputs, unreliable market opportunities, limited market information, poor infrastructure, and limited access to farm inputs and credit (Panos, 2007).
A high degree of malnutrition contributes to poor health and quality of life. In a 2010 survey of 4849 children under 5, 47% of children are stunted in their growth and 20% are severely stunted (GoM, 2011:129). Another indication of lack of food security and nutrition is weight indicators. Nationally, 13% of children under age 5 are underweight and 3% are severely underweight (GoM, 2011:132). The chances of being born underweight can be predicted by the status of the mother. A mother who is underweight is associated with lower birth weight of children (GoM, 2011:132). Trends in Malawi between 2004 and 2006 show an overall improvement in nutritional status of children from the 2004 survey. Children who are stunted decreased from 53% to 47% and wasting decreased from 6 to 4%. (GoM, 2011:133).
Added to these challenges are social and health problems caused by high HIV rates. The HIV and AIDS epidemic in Malawi has had a widespread impact on many sectors of the economy. An estimated 70,000 children are orphaned by AIDS each year resulting in a growing number of households headed by a child and approximately 15% of all households (Panos, 2007) . In terms of the impacts on agricultural production, high rates of HIV have “broken up traditional farming systems resulting in a decrease in the total area planted for some crops, lower crop yields and changes to cropping patterns. It has also meant a loss of agricultural knowledge. A study in 2005 on the impact of HIV and AIDS on food security in Malawi found that 64.6% of households had experienced severe labour shortage during the 2005 agricultural season due to HIV and AIDS-related illness” (Panos, 2007). The realities of illness caused by HIV affect not only those who are ill but also those who must look after the sick. Financial resources are likely to be diverted to meet the needs of those who are ill. Food insecurity is also known to increase an individual’s risk of contracting HIV (Panos, 2007:17).
Food insecurity in Malawi is not new. Malawian households have a long history of food insecurity (Tsoka, 2005:3). Only farmers cultivating more than 1 hectare meet the minimum caloric requirements (Tsoka, 2005:3). Rural households will generally run out of their staple food (maize) stocks by December each year leaving a substantial period without food reserves. The preharvest season of January to March/April is nicknamed the ‘hungry season’ yet is it also the most labour demanding period in agricultural work (Tsoka, 2005:4). The coping strategies used during times of low food resources include reducing the number of meals, eating less nutritious foods, eating smaller quantities of food and selling off of livestock and poultry. These practices are known to contribute to malnutrition in children and adults (Tsoka, 2005:4). Additional coping mechanisms include eating wild plants, exchanging labour (ganyu) for food or money, transactional sex in exchange for food or money, divorce to reduce one’s responsibility, theft of livestock and food, child labour to assist families in getting food, early marriages and migration to places where there is food or employment (Matinga, 2006). Many of these practices have gender implications and are discussed in the next section.
The impacts of climate change in Malawi: increased frequency and intensity of adverse weather-related hazards like abnormal rainfall, dry spells, cold spells, landslides, hailstorms, mudslides and seasonal droughts. Vulnerability factors compound the problem: over-dependence on rain-fed agriculture, degraded environment, limited livelihoods, abject poverty and other pressures like HIV and AIDS. There is need for disaster-risk reduction since disasters in Malawi have a major impact on livelihood opportunities and on people’s resilience. The pressing needs of people living in Malawi and the persistent threat of famine, malnutrition and poverty in the country make Malawi an important country for donor assistance and investments in agricultural development.
There are important gender considerations to be made in addressing food security; namely divorce, gendered divisions of labour, access and control of resources and rights. Divorce is used as a copying mechanism in times of food insecurity. During Matinga (2006)’s focus group discussions with community members, some indicated that a few men resorted to separation or divorce as a means of reducing responsibilities over feeding their children and wife/wives. This practice was reported in several areas of Malawi such as Chikwawa, Nsanje, Salima and Kasungu districts. The impacts of divorce on women are multifold: women lose access to income and resources including land; they also lose social networks and bonds that are established at community level when they are forced to leave patrilineal communities after a divorce. Furthermore in patrilineal societies, household property remains the property of the husband so even in cases where men leave or die, women have no rights to their household property.
One major strategy employed for gaining food or money to buy food in times of heightened food insecurity is sex trade. As one respondent in a study conducted by Matinga (2006) noted men have sex with girls and pay them as little as 20 Malawi Kwacha. This small amount of money is not even enough to buy a small bun or a meal-size portion of maize meal. The sex-trade business also contributes to the spread of HIV (Matinga, 2006). Women in Malawi expressed concern for the effect that hunger has on HIV and other sexually transmitted diseases and unwanted pregnancies. Furthermore, women expressed concern about the additional responsibilities they would have to look after people who get sick.
A third fundamental issue in food-insecure communities stems from legal issues and lack of land ownership. As a NGO staff worker noted, in Malawi, only 4% of women own land and this compounds the issue of food security. Agricultural subsidies have been administered in Malawi in recent years to help farmers invest in their smallholder agricultural produce. However the subsidy is considered gender insensitive since women have noted trouble accessing the subsidy (NGO staff member interview, 2011). Reasons for these challenges included travelling long distances to access the subsidy, waiting in lines for many hours, and even reports of women being harassed by the men or being overcharged for the subsidy by individuals who try to take advantage of women. Programs in livelihood security are particularly gender insensitive, continued one NGO staff member noting that livelihood programs are geared to men who are considered the head of households. A further challenge for Malawi is the empowerment of women and empowering men as well as change agents. “In Malawi we talk about empowering women but we do not address how to empower them” (NGO staff member interview, 2011).
The broader impacts on Malawian society and gender equality include the fact that social ties are weakened by the hunger crisis which is leading to increased cases of conflicts, quarrelling among couples and unsocial behaviour such as not sharing food. Other impacts include an increased work load and responsibilities during periods of food shortage. Women bear the brunt of these burdens with increased responsibilities in productive and reproductive roles and community work. The increased work load of women is correlated with negative effects on children who may receive less care and attention (Matinga, 2006).
Malawi is a largely patriarchal society where men generally wield more power than women and women face high rates of inequality relative to men in terms of education and health. As one NGO staff member commented: “dismantling the patriarchy has not been that easy” since women are generally not actively involved in decision-making. The staff member goes on to know that “you’ll find that organizations will involve women in village level meetings but they will then return to their homes only to find their husbands refuse to consent to their involvement in such programs” (NGO staff member, interview, 2011).
The examples of gender inequality in food security provided above reinforce the importance of focusing on gender rather than equality between women and men. The notion of equality between men and women does not capture the cultural and power dimensions that shape and sustain gender roles and norms in society. Focussing on gender equality (rather than equality between women and men) is important because gender underscores the causes and consequences of inequality between men and women and offers a richer and more complex understanding of why inequality between men and women exists.
Malawi’s Donor Situation
Malawi remains highly donor dependent with approximately 40% of its annual budget coming from donors. “According to the GoM Malawi Aid Atlas (FY2007/08), the main donors are: DFID, the World Bank, the EC, the Global Fund, the African Development Bank, Norway and USAID. In the last few years, China has become a new and important financial player in Malawi (CIDA 2010).
In keeping with donor priorities, Malawi is committed to the UN Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and aid effectiveness strategies. The government of Malawi has also put in place a system-wide approach to agriculture called the Agricultural Sector-wide Approach or ASWAp) (UN Malawi, 2010).
Canada has also played an important role in providing development assistance to Malawi. CIDA was one of the largest bilateral donors to Malawi throughout the 1990s and early 2000s, so that by 2003, Canada ranked as the country’s sixth largest donor.[3] Over a decade-long period, Canada invested over 235 million dollars on aid projects in the landlocked Africa country, focusing on education, health, governance and gender equality. CIDA also funded four emergency food aid projects through multilateral channels during the 1990s valued at 23.8 million dollars (CIDA, 1997), and seven emergency food assistance projects during the 2000s valued at 3.75 million dollars[4] (CIDA, 2011b).
However, that assistance has changed over the past decade as a result of shifting priorities and the Conservative government’s evolving agenda. Malawi was considered a highly relevant country to Canada in 1997 at the time that the Canada country program was established. A strong engagement in Afghanistan over the past decade has contributed to a smaller pool of funds available for other countries, particular African countries where we have seen the largest percentage of countries removed from the countries of concentration list (CIDA, 2010).
The reduction in the number of countries of concentration for Canadian development assistance dates back to pre-Conservative times. In April 2005, the Liberal government of Paul Martin released the International Policy Statement (IPS), through which CIDA’s bilateral programming – accounting for approximately 40 percent of Canada’s overall international assistance budget – was reoriented by focusing on long-term bilateral programs with a core group of 25 Development Partners (CIDA, 2005). These countries were selected from among the poorest countries, where effective programming to address the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) was deemed to be possible and where Canada could add ‘real value.’ Malawi, along with 13 other African states, was selected as one of the 25 Development Partners. The goal was to concentrate at least two thirds of bilateral aid on Development Partner countries by 2010, consistent with the Government’s commitment at the Kananaskis G8 Summit to double aid to Africa from 2003 levels by 2008.
The IPS, however, was short-lived following the 2006 election of the Conservative government. The aid program was re-aligned in the March 2007 budget, with the aim of targeting development assistance in a few countries where Canada would be among the largest five donors (CBC, 2007). In May 2009, the government announced that CIDA would focus on three priority themes: food security, economic growth, and children and youth. This commitment came on the heels of the February announcement by the Minister of International Cooperation who committed to focus 80 percent of bilateral assistance in 20 countries of focus – a list that now includes seven, as opposed to 14, African countries. Malawi was on the original list of 20 countries of focus in 2009 but was removed in 2009. The removal of Malawi from the list of countries of focus is of great significance as Malawi meets the criteria for countries of focus and remains one of the poorest countries in the world. Over 73 percent of Malawians live on less than 1.25 dollar per day, the country ranks seventh in the world in terms of population affected by natural disasters, is one of the countries with the highest intensity of food deprivation and rate of undernourishment (UNDP, 2010: p.163) and is heavily dependent on foreign aid, which constitutes 15 percent of the Gross National Product (European Union, 2005: p.29) and 40 percent of the recurrent budget (USAID, 2004). By 2007 Canadian bilateral assistance to Malawi declined, and CIDA became the 15th largest donor. An independent evaluation of CIDA’s Malawi Country Program concluded that “major changes and transition in the program’s management structure... had marked effects on the program’ performance. In the third phase (since 2006), the uncertain status of the bilateral program in Malawi within Canada’s overall aid program, modest program investments, and continued personnel turnover had a negative effect on those working in the program and on relations with Canada’s partners in Malawi” (CIDA, 2010: p.xvi).
When the Government of Canada closed the High Commission in Malawi, Malawians viewed this as a failure on the part of Canadians to continue with an investment in the country, but was also seen by Malawians as a failure of their own government to demonstrate the capacity for leadership that donors require. Malawi expressed concerns that they are unlikely to remain a donor darling in the face of an increasingly dictatorial government. The expulsion of the British ambassador to Malawi staff earlier in 2011 reflects poorly on the country’s diplomatic ability and the president’s low tolerance for donor input (The Guardian, 2011). More recently, in March 2012, the Malawian president – Bingu wa Mutharika – told donors to “go to hell” because he believed that donors were supporting civil society organizations protesting the leadership in the country (BBC, 2012).
The Impact of Canada’s Diminishing Foreign Aid Presence in Malawi
By 2007 Canadian bilateral assistance to Malawi declined, and CIDA became the 15th largest donor (down from the 6th place); thereby diminishing Canada’s presence in Malawi. An independent evaluation of CIDA’s Malawi Country Program concluded that “major changes and transition in the program’s management structure... had marked effects on the program’ performance. In the third phase (since 2006), the uncertain status of the bilateral program in Malawi within Canada’s overall aid program, modest program investments, and continued personnel turnover had a negative effect on those working in the program and on relations with Canada’s partners in Malawi” (CIDA, 2010: p.xvi). It is important to note, however, that Canada has been in 15th place for four years (from 2008 to 2012) reflecting a slow donor withdrawal from Malawi before the official removal of Malawi from the CIDA list of countries of concentration. As the CIDA report (2010) points out, Canada’s long period of uncertainty related to funding in Malawi “and the recent decisions about Canada’s future presence and level of engagement in Malawi have negatively affected Canada’s reputation” (CIDA report, 2010). Furthermore, “the uncertain status of Malawi within Canada‟s overall aid program, modest program investments, and continued personnel turnover had a demoralizing effect on those working in the program and strained relations with Canada‟s partners in Malawi” (CIDA, 2010) creating tensions between Canada and Malawi over a period of several years. CIDA’s current “modest presence” (CIDA, 2010) is increasingly translating into a very minor presence according to NGO staff members and overview informants in Malawi.
Canada continues to be seen, however, as the “gender friendly donor” according to interviews carried out in Malawi in December 2011. Several interviewees talked about Canada’s emphasis on the presence of gender experts, the promotion of gender mainstreaming and other gender equality strategies over the years, marking CIDA as a key gender expert in the international community. Some examples of Canada’s support for gender equality in the past include Canada’s support for the Gender Equality Support Project (GESP) in combination with previous funding from CIDA through the Malawi Country Program. The Malawi Country Program had two explicit priority sectors as outlined in the CPDS (basic health and education) and two implicit priority sectors (governance and gender equality) that were originally cast as cross-cutting priorities. There is considerable evidence of positive achievements in these sectors at both the project and sub-sector levels that correspond to, and in some cases exceed (e.g., HIV/AIDS), the overall program objectives outlined in the CPDS (CIDA, 2010).
In interviews with Malawian NGO staff and overview informants, Malawians spoke of a gratitude for Canada’s past and present funding and initiatives. More recently, Canada has committed to funding a nutrition program through the Malawian government departments of agriculture and health. A $20,000,000.00 project geared to crop diversification and food supplements has been promised to Malawi. This program reflects more on Canada’s maternal health commitments that came out of the 2010 G8 summit rather than commitments to gender equality, per se. Overall, a diminished role for Canada in Malawi was observed but Malawians spoke of Canada’s ongoing presence in other ways, particularly in terms of maternal health funding.
For some Malawians who participated in this study, a more critical analysis of Canadian funding was provided in statements such as: donor commitments are political decisions “made at high level but the victims of these decisions are at the low level and are often the poor women” (NGO staff member interviewed, 2011).
The retreat of Canadian funding for Malawian programs, and the investment in maternal health in recent years, must be understood more broadly in the context of shifting trends and priorities within CIDA more generally (Black and Tiessen, 2007). However, the impact of reduced programming, particularly in food security at a time of great volatility (both environmentally through climate change and politically through the President’s anti-donor comments and actions) has not gone unnoticed by the donor and NGO communities in Malawi.
Conclusion
Malawi remains a poor country ranking among the lowest scorers on the human development index. It is also a country experiencing gender inequality and recurrent food insecurity. Canada has made many commitments to the promotion of gender equality and food security in the past and has supported important programs in Malawi in recent decades. Yet, the sustainability of these programs is in question (CIDA, 2010) as Canada’s funding to the country dwindles over time. The sustainability of Canada’s donor assistance can be understood in the context of development programs offered in the country but also more broadly in terms of country-to-country relationships and the reputation that emerges from the changing relationship between Canada and Malawi in recent years.
Canada continues to provide development assistance to Malawi in spite of the country being removed from CIDA’s list of countries of concentration for development assistance. Canada’s recent commitment to maternal health initiatives in Malawi is one example of donor funding to the country but one that reflects a ‘women in development’ approach rather than gender equality. This is reaffirmed in the Conservative government’s removal of gender equality as its key terminology and the turn to “equality of women and men” language. This shift can be seen as an important set-back for a country previously known in the world for its pioneering work and progress in promoting gender equality.
Canada continues to be a small player in Malawi as it retreats from donor activity in the country. The shifting priorities of Canadian foreign aid, in terms of thematic areas, is not new and not specific to Canada. However, the gradual retreat from Malawi has been marked by severe consequences in a country with high rates of poverty, increasing agricultural challenges stemming from climate change and therefore high levels of food insecurity.
Canada’s previous reputation for its niche area of gender equality is also eroding as Canada’s discourse has shifted to “equality between women and men”. A focus on equality between women and men obscures the root of the inequality and can entrench inequality rather than address it. The move to investments on maternal health have advantages for women who suffer from high risk pregnancies and health complications that lead to high rates of maternal death. However, maternal health programs rarely address the underlying challenges of gender inequality that contribute to women’s high rates of poverty, low status in society, and limited rights relative to men. Such an approach is reminiscent of 1970s liberal feminism whereby women were targeted for programs, and treated as victims rather than active agents of change. Malawi stands to gain from a strong Canadian donor presence in the country but that presence must also be coupled with a strong commitment to gender equality.
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Interviews:
Interviews with staff members from: WUSC, CUSO/VSO, Concern World Wide, CURE, CARD, OXFAM, Former Oxfam representative, CCAP, Concern Universal, WESM, and WORLEC - Women’s Centre in Limbe. Interviews with four overview informants who have worked for development NGOs in the past and continue to be involved in development work primarily through consulting projects.
[1] I wish to thank the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada for funding the research carried out for this paper. I would also like to acknowledge the valuable contributions made through research assistance of Krystel Carrier-Sabourin, PhD Student, RMC who provided background information in preparation for the data collection in Malawi. My thanks also go out to my colleagues in Malawi who provided valuable information during data collection in December 2011.
[2] With notable exceptions, such as Bezner Kerr, 2005 and Vaughan, 1987.
[3] Ranging between the sixth and seventh largest donor to Malawi (including bilateral and multilateral aid, as well as humanitarian assistance appeals).
[4] This figure only includes emergency appeals, rather than institutional funding.
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